The Legacy of Institutionalized Racism The PPP/Civic's Response
From Prime News , April 19, 1996 by Prem Misir
Charges against the PPP-Civic
The PPP-Civic Administration is
charged with advocating racism,
corruption, police brutality, and unofficial
affirmative action. As you can see these
are criticisms emanating from different
quarters. The charges of racism,
corruption, and police brutality, are
hatched by oppositional critics of the
government. Those expressing vocal
concerns about government's excess
involvement with unofflcial affirrnative
action are traditional supporters of the
Administration. Democracy must be
working, as criticisms are flying from
people with different political complexions!
Unofficial affirmitive action
Afflrmative action refers to
policies and programs giving preferential
treatment to particular groups so as to
compensate for historical atrocities
inflicted upon them. Its purpose is to place
the disadvantaged group on an equal
footing with other groups in the society.
Individuals opposed to affirmative action
measures suggest that the govermnent
tries hard to create a racial balance in major
public appointments.
For instance, as the recent
selection of Dr. Martin Boodhoo as
Pro-chancellor of the Universityof Guyana,
happens to be an East Indian, their current
deliberations for filling the vacant post of
ViceChancellor are driven by the racial
balance perspective; in this case, the
appointee must of necessity be an African
or of non-Indian origin. The placement of
ambassadors and consulate chiefs are
another case in point, as well as the
retention of significant political appointees
from the Burnham/Hoyte era. Traditional
supporters of the PPP-Civic believe this to
be true, as the racial balance perspective
motivates the recruitment, selection, and
placement decisions of key appointments.
Such high-level posts must be grounded
mainly on the selection criterion of
competence.
Affirmative action presumes as a
given that the Administration's policies
and programs are inherently racist and/or
contribute to the disadvantaged status of
a particular ethnic group. Obviously, the
people opposed to official or unofficial
affimnative action do not accept this
presumption. Close scrutiny of the
nation's history implies that both Indian
and African groups suffered as victims to
the imperialist onslaught. Therefore, both
groups should benefit from such
compensatory programs providing
preferential treatment.
This is not necessary, as there is
an open stratification system, allowing a
fair amount of social mobility to all groups
in the society, perhaps with the exception
of Amerindians. Consider for instance the
high quality of the new Guyanese
immigrant of any ethnicity to the US! A
closed and racist stratification system is
incapable of generating such desirable
human products. Continuous access to the
important resources of the society -
education, and the economic and political
systems - initiating a level of social
mobility comparable to the Western world,
is quite an achievement. The
social mobility level in the US has
remained constant since World War II.
Salaries and standards of living in Guyana
may be undesirable, but there is
reasonable fluidity in the labor market for
at least the Indian and African ethnic
groups.
The PPP-Civic and the "Indian" Image
This situation does not need
afflrmative action programs. In fact, these
traditional supporters of the present
government perceive the Administration's
decision making in strategic areas to be
too overly concerned with satisfying the
African Guyanese. If this is factual, then
the PPPCivic government's rule is weak in
the rnanagement of its operations, and
demonstrates
minimum leadership capacity in
transforming Guyana for all Guyanese, and
not merely for the African group.
Apparently, the PPPCivic Party was over
the years characterized as having a
historical obsession with diluting its
'Indian' image. This dilution process
ensures that fundamental political
decisions are primarily driven by a
'de-Indianization' of its public image, and
not by the objective factors affecting
developmental issues. This
decision-making outlook is marred, as it is
political defensive and reactive, and not
proactive.
The PPP-Civic and "de-Indianization"
The current Administration
inherited a legacy of institutionalized
racism and discrimination from the
Burnham/Hoyte dictatorship. While the
PPP-Civic attempts to govern
predominately through the process of
'de-Indianization', the Burnham/ Hoyte
Administration essentially created policies
and programs, aimed at sustaining the
power base of the African elite. The
mechanism used to achieve this goal was
the creation of a visible and
sharply defined subordinate
group. The elite cannot function
as an elite without concomitant
services from a subordinate
group. To make this happen the
dictatorship for twenty-eight
years arbitrarily denied to
Indians access to strategic
societal resources.
These were discriminatory
practices that were part of the
ruling nones and customs of the
society. Such norms and
customs became entrenched so
as to work
in favor of the African elite
against the Indians. This
fortification of standards and
practices constituted the
institutionalization of racism and
discrimination against Indians.
Later, working class Africans
were coerced into becoming a
segment ofthe subordinate
group joining hands with largely
working-class Indians.
The African elite's exploitation of
Indians constructed their power
base and increased the elite's
share of the surplus wealth.
Keep in mind tbat this surplus
value was solely appropriated by
the elite. Workers have no share
of this. The African elite's
exploitation of Indians produced
their power base, and therefore
subjecting working-class
Africans to the same indignities
as Indians, expanded the level of
domination. An increase in
exploitation results in a growth
of control and influence.
Today, the African elite's power
still persists. A change in government is
not
a sufficient prerequisite to destroy the existing institutional framework, comprising the
discriminatory practices against both Indian
and African workers, and an illegitimate
African elite, a legacy of the Burnham/ Hoyte
epoch. The government has to have a
perception that the framework in which they
operate is evil, and then they have to define
the situation as such in policy formulation.
Assimilation as cultural fragmentation
Further, this African elite
advocated antithetical intergroup relations
between the working-class Indians and
Africans. Assimilation as a type of
intergroup pattern, was a central policy
strategy for the B u r n h a m / H o y t e
d i c t a t o r s h i p. A s s i m i l a t i o n happens when a minority group is
induced into the life of the dominant
group, so that
the minority ultimately disappears as a
separate, identifiable unit. In this case, the
minority group must comply with the
dominant culture. The National Service is
a case in point. Under the guise of
introducing an agricultural program and
creating national unity, the National
Service anempted to subordinate Indian
culture to African culsure, applying,
among other mechanisms, the use of
opportunistic Indians, armed with
requisite cultural skills, to modify the
Indian heritage. The program turned out to
be a miserable failure, and was heavily
funded by the Guyanese taxpayers.
In addition, the dictatorship
formulated a policy of systematic
fragmentation of the hindu and muslim
community. This policy of fragmentation
was effected through the planting of
visible Indian professionals to produce a
coup de etat of the legitimate and
democratically-elected temple and mosque
organizational personnel. Again, the
strategy failed.
The legacy of the Burnham/Hoyte epoch
The PPP-Civic government has
languished on the establishment of vital
strategies to tear down the legacy of a
fraudulent institutional framework that
upholds racism, corruption, police
brutality, unofficial affirmadve action,
and an illegal African elite. The
PPP-Civic's tactics and decisions are
driven by this false organizational
arrangement. Political appointees from
the Burnham/Hoyte Administration must
tee dismissed. The illegal African elite
born out of the dictatorship must be
investigated. Decision making driven by
the African elite must end. Unofficial
affirmative action urged on by the
PPP-Civic's need to de-Indianize to
bolster a multicultural image, and thereby
favoring Africans and other non-Indian
ethnicity must cease. Failure to execute
these measures will continue to constrain
Guyana's development beyond the
shackles of the dictatorship.
The Indian and African working class
In imperialist times, the skin color
of Indians and Africans were irrelevant;
they were brought from their homelands
because they were the best and cheapest
workers available to further the economic
interests of the capitalist class. The British
plantocracy's search for cheap labor
produced a system of racial subordination,
and as Cox put it, racial prejudice evolved
into an ideology, rationalizing the
subordination of Indian and African
workers. The British at the time of their
departure established rules for the racial
game. Unfortunately, both working-class
Indians and Africans have complied with
these rules over the last several decades,
albeit from different masters. The PNC
regime generated victims of both Indian
and African workers through the medium
of party paramountcy and cultural
fragmentation in the same way in which
the imperialist did. The PPP-Civic by
utilizing an arrangement from yesterday's
dictatorship in the making of decisions,
has weakened the economic status and
undernined the social consciousness of
the Indian and African working class.
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