IS THERE a role for the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) in helping to resolve the problem of governance in Trinidad and Tobago, at least in helping to get back on track the fractured dialogue between Patrick Manning and Basdeo Panday?

That is the question I put last week to the Secretary General of CARICOM, Mr. Edwin Carrington, himself a citizen of Trinidad and Tobago, where CARICOM had its birth 28 years ago.

After all, the implications for CARICOM states with constitutions and governance practices similar to Trinidad and Tobago are far more grave than the impasse in relations between Barbados and that twin-island republic that has developed out of the old fishing rights dispute.

Carrington's response was that the Community was "clearly very concerned" over post-December 10 election developments in Trinidad and Tobago, but that there was no precedent for involvement by the Community in a member state unless invited to do so.

I pointed out that neither was there any precedent for CARICOM to broker a reduction in the electoral mandate of a governing party in a Community state until the emergence of such a happening in the case of Guyana in January 1998, granted that it followed an invitation for a Community mission.

Or, for that matter and of more immediate relevance, the current situation in Trinidad and Tobago where a non-elected head of state, ANR Robinson, squandered an historic opportunity to encourage a broadly-based interim coalition government, reflecting the expressed will of the electorate in the 18-18 seats tie and, instead appointed as Prime Minister (Manning) the leader of a party that did not win an election.

In the circumstances, rather than engage in semantics, CARICOM does have a moral obligation to become involved in at least brokering a dialogue between Manning, the People's National Movement (PNM) leader and appointed Prime Minister, and Panday, leader of the United National Congress (UNC), who is yet to accept appointment as parliamentary Opposition Leader.

A CARICOM team had monitored the December 10 poll that was given official clearance as being "free and fair", despite some painful hiccups for all parties. The invitation was extended by Panday as Prime Minister.

Manning, as then Opposition Leader, strangely could not find the time to meet the observer mission, despite all his pre-election complaints about the Electoral and Boundaries Commission (EBC) and the compilation of the voters register.

Given his stated commitment to regional integration and cooperation, and awareness of the fact that neither the PNM nor the UNC won the December 10 election, Manning should have pursued, rather than withdraw his initial stated interest in a meeting with Panday.

CARICOM has a moral obligation to persuade them to meet

They have to discuss, among other pressing matters, the choice of a Speaker for the new Parliament so that the business of proper governance, with a legislative programme, can take place, pending new elections in 2002.

Bureau Meeting
The CARICOM Bureau, which functions as a Management Committee of CARICOM between meetings of the Heads of Government, is due to meet later this week in the Turks and Caicos Islands, an associate member of the Community.

Perhaps that would be an appropriate time to discuss the modalities of a CARICOM initiative for a mediating role in Trinidad and Tobago. This seems much more appropriate and urgent than simply doing the traditional diplomatic thing of sending congratulations to Manning as new Prime Minister, as some heads of government have already done, and conveniently hoping that they do not have to become engaged with the crisis.

The current composition of the Bureau, based on procedures for its functioning, will be the past chairman of CARICOM, Prime Minister Hubert Ingraham of The Bahamas, new chairman, Prime Minister Said Musa of Belize, and incoming chairman for the next annual summit, President Bharrat Jagdeo of Guyana.

If they are keen on doing something creative, the trio of heads of government, along with Secretary General Carrington, should invite the Prime Minister of St. Lucia, Dr. Kenny Anthony, who has lead responsibility for Governance and Justice in CARICOM, and himself given an overwhelming fresh electoral mandate, to the Bureau meeting.

Having spoken with Prime Ministers Ingraham and Anthony, as well as Secretary General Carrington, I have some idea of their own anxieties and hopes.

Together, these heads of government and Carrington may be able to come up with a strategy for involvement in the political crisis in Trinidad and Tobago that has grave implications for democratic governance throughout the Community and in particular in those countries with constitutions and conventions similar to that twin-island republic.

Since their pre-Christmas 10-point `heads of agreement' is no longer valid - with Panday accusing both Robinson and Manning of first "walking away" from it, and Manning, in turn, chastising Panday for acting in bad faith and behaving like "a poor loser" - there can only be a Parliament if there is a new Speaker. There is no indication of who that person will be.

Whenever the proclamation is issued for the inaugural session of the new parliament and the outgoing Speaker, Rupert Griffith, vacates the Chair, the toss-up will begin between the PNM and UNC in the selection of a Speaker. With no expected agreement, there will be an indefinite adjournment.

Can we seriously talk about governance or a `government', even one with a ridiculous 29-member strong collection of ministers and junior ministers, 11 more than the PNM's elected 18 - in a democratic state without a functioning parliament? Clearly not.

Nor should Panday take too seriously his own political game plan to run a "shadow cabinet" outside of parliament until a Speaker is appointed.

Flippant Talk
Having a "shadow cabinet" may be normal. And delaying or even refusing to be sworn in as Opposition Leader could be more than politically embarrassing for the official status quo of President Robinson and Prime Minister Manning.

But Panday's flippant talk about an "alternative government" is dangerous and could be counter-productive to the moral high ground he had commendably taken following the 18-18 seats draw when he proposed a coalition or power-sharing arrangement including the prime ministership.

Subsequently, he maintained this matured approach by conceding to Manning's nominee as Speaker, Max Richards, on the assumption that Robinson, in his assumed wisdom, could only properly reappoint the incumbent as Prime Minister with a scheduled time frame for new election.

The administration headed by Prime Minister Manning may be "illegitimate" or even "unconstitutional" as Panday and his UNC colleagues and advisers are claiming in some of their more surprising political outbursts, and to the consternation and discomfort of Manning's PNM.

But the UNC leader must be careful against foolish statements and actions that could undermine his own strong political position with a parliament yet to meet, a Speaker to be chosen and arrangements in place for going back to the electorate for a new verdict.

The reality is that for all of his own political blusterings in response to Panday's, Manning, who has already caused unnecessary problems for himself by his cabinet appointments, must know, as serious minds across the country's political divide are aware, that the current status quo cannot stand for long, and that within a matter of months, specific arrangements will have to be in place for a new election.

Talk by Manning of Robinson acting within the Constitution to appoint an Opposition Leader, is simply preposterous. As a President on his way out of office, Robinson cannot be unmindful that having given the Prime Ministership over to a party that did not WIN an election, rather than retaining a Prime Minister whose party did not LOSE one, he could only further fortify public perception that he is, in fact, showing bad faith with Panday, who had named him last year among his "political enemies".

Such a highly controversial move, even with the bitter Ramesh Maharaj as an "advisor" to Manning's administration, could only have the effect of further strengthening the mass base of Panday's UNC ahead of what seems inevitable in 2002 - a return to the electorate.

It is to be hoped that Secretary General Carrington can prove persuasive not only in getting the three heads of government of the CARICOM Bureau to attend the meeting in the Turks and Caicos, but in coming up with an initiative that, in consultation with Manning and Panday, could be helpful to Trinidad and Tobago at a time of very serious political crisis.