EXISTING provisions and practice establish Guyana as a country with considerable room for inclusive governance.

Contrary to the impression being created and the perception of many, Guyana leads the region in terms of avenues for inclusiveness. The major problem is that these avenues remain unexplored. We need to be honest and assess our progress in creating an inclusive society.

One thing is certain - the creation of the ideally inclusive society is not an overnight project and would not result through a one-shot effort. It would be painstaking and would involve great sensitivity, enormous amounts of patience, magnanimity, compromises and honesty.

And, for sure, it would not happen in the streets and it would not happen outside of the involvement of Parliament.

The PPP/C is not only committed to inclusive governance, but is proud of its leading role in promoting and implementing inclusive governance in Guyana.

At the outset, let me acknowledge that there is still room for greater intensity in the PPP/C's pursuit of creating an inclusive society. But the PPP/C's willingness, inclination or even ability to pursue this path intimately depends on the willingness of opposition parties, mainly the PNC, and other stakeholders, to play their role.

The burden of creating an inclusive society must be a shared one and must not be left only to the PPP/C and cannot be the exclusive purview of political parties. The prerequisite is the willingness of all to accept free and fair elections as a foundation for a free, democratic and inclusive society.

The debate over shared (inclusive) governance has gathered much intensity in recent months.

But, the debate over inclusive governance in Guyana has been a meaningful debate for about a decade. Indeed it existed prior to 1964 and occasionally was discussed over the long 28 years of the PNC dictatorial regime.

But no one would deny that the enthusiasm, with which the discussions have been pursued since 1992, and especially since 1997, vastly overwhelms the lacklustre interest to inclusive governance prior to 1992. Importantly, the debate prior to 1992 focused on power sharing at the executive level as the form of inclusive governance.

Several proposals for inclusive governance are innovative and deserve further considerations while some, such as executive power sharing, have been rejected a long time ago.

Proposals on power sharing that involve splitting of executive power between groups have received little support at the level of political parties. The Leader of the PNC had unequivocally rejected it and the PPP/C has asserted that splitting executive power is unworkable.

Although the Leader of the Opposition recently stated that he is open to discuss an adjusted formula for inclusive governance, he again shied away from endorsing power sharing.

There is considerable merit to the official position of the two main political parties. It is not intended to discuss the pros and cons of power sharing in this instance.

SILVER LINING
The lack of any meaningful support for power sharing leading to sharing of executive power does not render the debate over shared governance meaningless. The growing interest in inclusive governance says that Guyanese are concerned about our country's future and that, by-and-large, we have a commitment to forge a just and participatory democracy.

The silver lining is that we do enjoy a free society and a political milieu that provides enough encouragement for a healthy debate. We also have a government that has permitted the debate and has allowed for some implementation of ideas for which consensus has been built.

Some would argue that the Government was forced into this position. The reality is that the Government has not stopped the process and has done much to promote it.

There are ideas for shared governance that enjoy consensus support. Many of these have been implemented and others have been provided for in the reformed Constitution. Even prior to 1992, some provisions existed for shared governance, but because of rigged elections and the declared policy of party paramountcy by the PNC, these provisions did not contribute to inclusive or shared governance.

The fact is that the local government system permits for a certain degree of shared governance and inclusiveness. Since the restoration of democracy, local governments at the level of the Regional Democratic Councils (RDCs), NDCs, CDCs and municipalities truly represent a form of shared governance.

Indeed, after the 2001 elections, the governing party controls the RDCs of five regions (Regions 1, 2, 3, 5 and 6), while the main Opposition party controls two RDCs (Regions 4 and 10) and the RDCs of three regions (Regions 7, 8 and 9) are controlled through coalitions between the PNC and GAP/WPA. The opposition controls the two main municipalities, Georgetown and New Amsterdam.

Almost 16% of total appropriations in the 2002 budget are controlled by RDCs alone. In terms of employment costs, more than 33% of the 2002 appropriations are controlled at the levels of RDCs. When one adds the budgets for NDCs, CDCs and municipalities, one realises that already there is a considerable level of shared governance in Guyana.

While local government systems exist in other Caribbean countries, none compares to the system presently existing in Guyana.

This form of shared governance has many advantages that would become more pronounced as experience and capacity at local levels improve. Strong efforts to provide training for representatives within the local government structure would enable more effective governance at local levels.

We need to continue our discussions on local government reforms so as to derive optimum benefits from improved local government. Strong local government provides the basis for community-led development and at the community level could promote community interest rather than political loyalty.

This could be the foundation for inclusive governance in Guyana. The fact is that while many argue that we need greater inclusiveness and shared governance, considerable scope for shared governance and inclusiveness already exists through local and municipal governments.

Genuine efforts to create an inclusive society must weigh heavily on reforms of the local government system so as to promote effective community participation.

Considerable decision-making and control of employment and expenditure also already reside in other agencies not technically under the influence of Central Government.

For example, employment costs directly controlled by the Auditor General's Office, the Elections Commission, the Police Service Commissions, the Teachers Service Commission, the Judicial Service Commission, the GPHC (Georgetown Public Hospital Corporation), the Supreme Court, and the Ombudsman Office comprise almost 8% of total 2002 appropriations for employment costs.

Added to the amount controlled by RDCs, NDCs and municipalities, one sees immediately that almost 50% of total Government employment appropriations for 2002 reside outside the control and supervision of central government.

EFFECTIVE AVENUE
The above agencies together with the many Boards constitute an effective avenue for promoting inclusive governance. Prior to 1992, there was little chance of accomplishing this because the commissions and boards were put together within the concept of party paramountcy.

Since 1992, attempts at greater independence have been made. Some of the efforts in this direction have been derived through political and civic society advocacy and some have been institutionalised through constitutional reforms. As greater trust is built in Guyana, these Boards could truly represent vast avenues for inclusiveness.

The reformed Constitution contributes greatly to the process of optimising inclusiveness through this mechanism by seeking to remove any influence of Central Government over the Commissions that may exist at present.

Thus, in terms of the service commissions and other independent agencies provided for in the Constitution (for example the various Human Rights Commissions), Guyana has considerable opportunities to exercise the principles of shared governance and inclusiveness addressed in Article 13 of the Constitution. We need to move forward with the provisions relevant to the commissions that have been enshrined in the Constitution.

Ideas of inclusive governance were dominant issues in the constitutional reform consultations between 1993 and 1997 and between 1997 and 2001.

Discussions intensified after the interventions of CARICOM (Caribbean Community), the three "wise men", and as a result of the Herdmanston Accord and the St. Lucia Statement.

These ideas took shape when the Special Select Committee made up of Members of Parliament (from both Government and Opposition), and Civic Society submitted its report, and the Oversight Committee transformed its recommendation into legal drafts. These legal drafts have since been enshrined into our Constitution.

The reformed Constitution, worked upon by all stakeholders, establishes a rich milieu for shared governance embracing inclusiveness. Indeed, these provisions represent best practices in terms of strong democratic and inclusive principles.

In the first place, even if political parties shared power, we could still end up with an arrangement that does not effectively cater for shared governance and inclusiveness if provisions are not made for civic society participation.

An inclusive society is more than just arrangements made for participation by political parties. The key is effective consultations that provide a role for civic society.

Provisions for consultations with the Opposition and with civic society have been enshrined in the reformed Constitution.

The new Constitution makes provision for Parliament to establish laws that define and provides guidelines for consultations. The guidelines are to become law only with a two-third majority. No constitution in the Region has this provision.

POWERFUL TOOL
In effect it permits participation by ensuring the Government follows agreed upon guidelines whenever it has to consult for certain decisions to be made. As simplistic as this provision appears, it is a powerful tool to ensure participation in decision-making and has the potential to prevent the Government and its agencies and any others from white-washing the consultative process.

The PNC could contribute greatly by being in Parliament to pass the enabling legislation that would ensure this important aspect of an inclusive society.

In terms of consultation, the political process of dialogue between the President and the Leader of the Opposition represents another avenue for inclusiveness.

No one could doubt the usefulness of the almost one-year long dialogue between the two leaders. Perhaps, such dialogue could be extended to include leaders of other political parties in Parliament.

During the dialogue process, important gains were made...

The reformed Constitution addresses the enormous powers of the Presidency and considerably diminishes these powers...

These are considerable avenues for shared governance in that appointments are made through a shared responsibility between Executive power, political parties and technical stakeholders...

...the process does not only seek to strengthen the participation of the Opposition in Parliament, but also extends shared governance to civic society in that there are attempts to extend the independence of the service commissions while also giving them greater powers in appointments.

Parliament is an important starting point for inclusiveness in Governance. No honest person could reasonably try to equate the pre-1992 Parliament with the post 1992 Parliament.

The fact is while many could strongly argue today for a greater role of Parliament, Guyana's Parliament has been evolving into a meaningful body.

Note that it is evolving and, thus, the implication is that many other changes would be necessary.

Progress has been stymied by the extended absence of the PNC from Parliament. But it is important to recognise the changes that have been made pertaining to Parliament:

* The present Parliament has a functioning Public Accounts Committee (PAC). This committee has been able to examine the Auditor General's report up to the end of 1999 and is actively considering the 2000 report, making Guyana the most up-to-date country in this respect within CARICOM.

* The function of the PAC has been extended and it now has responsibility for the Auditor General's Office. The Auditor General's Office no longer reports to the Ministry of Finance. This very important office in terms of financial accountability now reports directly to the PAC of Parliament, a standing committee chaired by the Opposition. Another important provision is that the Public Accounts Committee of Parliament subjects the budget of the Auditor General's Office to approval and the approved appropriations come directly from the Consolidated Fund and not through a ministry.

* The Constitution makes provision for the establishment of various human rights commissions and commissions that add to financial and procurement accountability. The Human Rights Commission that oversees Commissions for Indigenous Peoples, Children, Women and Gender and Ethnic Rights not only creates avenues for shared political responsibility in terms of appointments, but also expands the inclusiveness principle by extending governance to civic society.

* Parliament is intended to have a standing committee to consider appointment matters. This includes making nominations for the various service commissions and the various human rights commission.

* The provisions to establish Standing Sector Committees for National Security, Natural Resources, Social Sector Development and Foreign Affairs in Parliament provide enormous avenues for shared responsibility. The present impasse over the composition of the Standing Committees can also be resolved through the dialogue process involving the President and the Leader of the Opposition. The only area of disagreement is that the PPP/C wants ministers to serve on these committees while the PNC rejects the idea of ministers serving.

* Agreement was reached to establish a Parliamentary Management Committee. The implementation of the PMC principle would move Guyana ahead of all the CARICOM countries and enhance inclusive governance. The tragedy is that the present impasse over this matter could be resolved with one meeting between the President and the Leader of the Opposition.

* Through the reformed Constitution, the process of providing the Regions with elected representatives has started. Thus each Region now has specific persons representing them in Parliament. The idea at the constitutional reform process was that the Standing Committee of Parliament on Constitutional matters would examine further this issue.

* The issue of women participation in governance was also advanced as part of the reforms. Political parties must now ensure that 33% of their candidates for political elections are women candidates. The result is that women represent 31% of the elected representatives in Parliament in Guyana.

* Greater use has been made of special select committee during the last 10 years.

* A Constitution should be a dynamic blueprint for good governance, constantly recognising new avenues for increased participation and for inclusiveness. There is provision for a Parliamentary Standing Committee for Constitutional Reform that would periodically review the Constitution in order to ensure that it is constantly improved and that the principle of inclusive governance is strengthened. Parliament must provide enabling legislation for this to happen.

ENHANCING INCLUSIVENESS
There are several other existing mechanisms that could, under the right circumstances, serve to enhance inclusiveness. The parliamentary mechanism of shadow ministers is an effective way of consultation and inclusiveness by extending dialogue to ministers and their counterparts in the Opposition.

The PPP/C has offered this mechanism to the Opposition. The Opposition would contribute to inclusiveness by accepting this offer.

The President's Youth Initiative in which young people band themselves together for positive community activities could be a powerful force for inclusiveness.

We could statutorily place a certain amount of money in the budget annually for allocation to youth initiatives and allow independent assessment of funds, either through a parliamentary mechanism or through a broad-based committee.

An important part of an inclusive society is a free, but responsible press.

Guyana has come a far way since the PNC regime when press freedom was completely trampled. No one can dispute that Guyana has one of the freest press in the hemisphere.

In a generally unregulated environment, the Guyanese press, with notable exception, has been generally irresponsible and has generally abused the Government's and the society's tolerance.

An informed population is imperative for an inclusive society. The press is still the best way to accomplish this. But the press must be able to present balanced and fair accounts of what is happening for it to play this role.

In all the debate, thus far, one important point seems to be relegated to the dustbin: the views of the 54% of the people who voted for the PPP/C.

In all the discussion of inclusive governance, provisions for the participation of the minority position has taken precedence and people seem to forget that shared governance could never mean the relegation of the views of the majority to some insignificant bother.

The irony is that as the debate over shared governance rages, important provisions for inclusive governance that society has already endorsed remain sadly languishing because of the political impasse and the dishonesty of commentators.

Some say that the process of constitutional reform that we have gone through has left people disappointed. The disappointment has to be the fact that we have not allowed the full implementation of the provisions for shared governance...

There is no point in talking about further forms of shared governance when you show no proclivity for allowing those we already have to work and to strengthen them.

We must begin by having Parliament complete the work it was mandated to through the reformed Constitution. But this must not happen without the PNC playing their proper role in Parliament.

These are facts. Guyana has been innovative and bold in taking many steps to enhance inclusiveness.

Perhaps, more examples of boldness and greater need for trust are needed. It is tragic that so many groups and individuals disregard the great strides we have made and, instead, seek to promote disharmony and strife in our country.

The overt effort of the PNC to obtain power and their flirtations with criminal elements and dishonest political commentators stand in the way of shared inclusive governance. The cold, hard facts stare at us.