The shortcomings of the current first-past-the-post or 'winner-takes-all’ electoral system seem to surface at successive elections in a number of CARICOM states.

They have thrown up sharp contrasts between seats/constituencies won in comparison to actual percentages of popular valid votes secured by victorious and defeated parties.

Governing and opposition parties in Jamaica and elsewhere within CARICOM have been affected by the electoral system as well as constitutional constraints on Senate appointments for opposition parties.

Without any attempt to minimise the significance of the landslide victory scored by Edward Seaga's Labour Party at Thursday's local government poll - a shocker, undoubtedly for the People's National Party of Prime Minister P. J, Patterson - the results could be viewed as yet another reason for a critical review of the electoral system.

Possibly a mixture of the existing winner-take-all with Proportional Representation, if not a complete change to the PR electoral system.

While the JLP is seen to have humiliated the PNP in terms its "sweep out" of the ruling party from control of the local government system, the overall popular votes secured by Seaga's party is comparatively minimal in relation to that obtained by Patterson's party - less than three per cent - with a low, 40 per cent voter response.

There is also the unrepresentative - some think grossly unfair - composition of the Upper House or Senate in CARICOM states with the bi-cameral parliamentary system that severely limits the number of opposition Senators - irrespective of seats won or votes polled by their parties for the House of Representatives or House of Assembly.

This situation came to the fore again in Barbados with last month's general election at which Prime Minister Owen Arthur's incumbent Labour Party retained power with an historic successive third term, capturing 23 of the 30 parliamentary seats.

The opposition Democratic Labour Party, now led by economist Clyde Mascoll, made a significant recovery from a then 26-2 seats humiliation at the 1999 poll to receive 43 percent of the valid votes cast for the seven of the 30 constituencies won on May 21.

Senate Appointments
Then came the problem - in the absence of implementation of recommended changes by a Constitution Review Commission - of the DLP being unable to appoint just two Senators in the 21-member Senate.

As in Trinidad and Tobago, and a number of other CARICOM states, with the bi-cameral parliamentary system, a Head of State - whether President or Governor General - is allowed to nominate more supposedly `Independent’ Senators than the elected Opposition.

Quite understandably, therefore, in various CARICOM states, there are debates on sensitive constitutional issues - like moving away from a monarchical system to that of a non-executive constitutional republic; changes to the existing electoral system, and revamping the composition of, or abolishing altogether, the Senate.

Guyana, as a constitutional republic with an executive presidency and an institutionalised PR electoral system, would be an exception among CARICOM states.

But there, nevertheless, continues to be vigorous demands for reforming its constitution to ensure better democratic governance with an end in 1992 to the dispensation of 28 years of one-party rule by the People's National Congress.

Next month, CARICOM leaders are due to spend a significant part of a two-day retreat at Ocho Rios discussing options for governance within the Community with emphasis on the Caribbean Single Market and Economy (CSME), Caribbean Court of Justice (CCJ); external trade and economic relations and possibly also crime and security.

If they can arrive at a consensus on the way forward, including creation of a high-level mechanism with executive powers, such as the proposed CARICOM Commission, this could prove quite helpful in the implementation processes to enhance regional economic integration and functional cooperation.

Complementary Move
But there is the growing feeling that options for governance of the Community should perhaps be complemented with efforts at the national level to give substance to pledges for better governance and participatory democracy.

Better forms of representation that could result from a mix of electoral systems, and the revamping of the composition of the Senate, may be issues not just for Jamaica and Barbados where new elections have raised some old problems.

The parliamentary opposition leader of Antigua and Barbuda, Baldwin Spencer, whose United Progressive Party (UPP) won an impressive 44.45 per cent of the valid popular votes at the 1999 general election for its four seats in the 17-member House of Representatives, would be quite interested in constitutional reforms that could bring better electoral democracy and governance.

On the contrary, Prime Minister Lester Bird's ruling Antigua Labour Party (ALP), in power for some 27 years, may feel that all's well with the existing electoral system and practice of Senate appointments.

Both Patterson and Bird will be going into next week's CARICOM Summit somewhat chastened by political events in their respective jurisdictions over the past week - a massive local government defeat for the former; and the dramatic loss of a parliamentary majority for the latter he subsequently managed to win a one-seat majority when a rebel MP rejoined his administration).