Average Monthly Consumption Expenditure by Ethnic Groups, 1993 and 1999

Source: HIES 1993 and 1999 LCS.

Source: HIES 1993 and 1999 LCS.
Both major ethnic groups incurred about the same household consumption expenditures in 1993. But in 1999, Africans had a higher household expenditure than East Indians. People in Guyana in 1999 compared to 1993, experienced a 129% increase in consumption expenditures. Given East Indian and African proportions in the population, African disposable incomes seem to be disproportionately higher than those of East Indians, based on their consumption patterns. African consumption expenditures demonstrate that Africans are not marginalized, for marginalized people, by definition, do not have the resources for high consumption.

Education
Generally, it's useful to review the scores at the Secondary Schools Entrance Examination (SSEE), and the Caribbean Examination Council (CXC), to determine student learning and educational efficiency (Analysis of CXC results, 1995-2001). Passes at the SSEE show both East Indians and Africans dominate the success picture in 2002. The maximum score attainable at the SSEE in 2002 was 562, and the highest score achieved was 548. Both ethnic groups were in the top three with a score of 548. And among the top 108 students, 54 (50%) were East Indians and 52 (48%) were Africans. Marked academic improvements at the SSEE now have occurred in both groups over the last few years.

The CXC scores in 1992 were abysmally low: 9% in English, 5% in Social Studies, and 18% in Mathematics. At that time, too, the CXC scores did not compare well with some other Caribbean countries, given that only the highest achievers are registered for the CXC. Today, again, both ethnic groups are doing better at the CXC, and their scores rank well with the other CARICOM CXC students. In addition, the Secondary School Reform Project has now enhanced the equity in high school education for all ethnic groups. In 2000, students with 5 or more Grade Ones at the CXC were from schools with large proportions of both Africans and East Indians. These were President's College, Berbice High, Anna Regina Multilateral, New Amsterdam Multilateral, Bishops’ High, St. Joseph High, Brickdam Secondary, and Queen's College.

In addition, both major ethnics have comparable rates of attendance and graduation from high school. Further, at the tertiary level, a larger number of African than East Indian students graduate from the University of Guyana.

Inclusivity
The SES of any person largely determines that person's class position in the society. For instance, an East Indian with a low SES will have a low class position, and vice versa. The same line of argument holds for Africans, or any other ethnic group. If we agree that both groups have comparable SES, then this comparability does dilute the marginalization argument, as marginalization, by definition, ensures that only the advantaged access resources earmarked to improve life chances. Again, if Africans were really victims of large-scale institutional discrimination, then their SES would be considerably lower than that of East Indians. But this may not be the case.

The current political system is characterized by an evolving inclusivity (Misir, 2003) that already incorporates an evolving shared governance. This growing inclusivity refers to the Ethnic Relations Commission, Indigenous People's Commission, Commission for the Rights of the Child, Commission for Human Rights, and Women and Gender Equality Commission, Parliamentary Standing Committee for Constitutional Reform, Parliamentary Sectoral Committees (Natural Resources, Economic Services, Foreign Relations, Social Services), civil society participation, expansive local government participation, the Dialog/Constructive Engagement, and the Opposition's role. These can evolve into stronger structures of political inclusiveness within the existing political system. Make no mistake about the significance of this political participation, as it is this same level of inclusivity acting as a conduit for a seeming comparable SES between East Indians and Africans.

A government must work to secure maximum happiness for the largest number of its people, as John Stuart Mill would say. This assertion is particularly important for those multiethnic societies grounded in democratic principles. Violations of this affirmation in multicultural societies would most certainly lead to ethnic insecurities. However, feelings of ethnic insecurities are not synonymous with racism. But some political interest groups present ethnic insecurities as racism, in order to malign the positive impact of the existing political inclusivity. Vilifying the current inclusivity is a short-lived political strategy for vindicating use of the race card to ultimately gain backdoor entrance to political power. The Guyanese people do know that the evolving shared governance system is fast maturing. However, those who continue to vilify this growing inclusivity risk becoming irrelevant and less than competitive in the next political contest.