Countdown for Haiti's return to CARICOM
Rickey Singh column
Guyana Chronicle
July 18, 2004
NOW that a delegation of Caribbean Community's Foreign Ministers completed its mission to Haiti last week, the countdown has begun for participation by that country's interim regime in the business of CARICOM pending the outcome of new and internationally supervised competitive elections in 2005.
Given the examples of verbal flip-flops by interim Haitian Prime Minister Gerard Latortue in his responses to statements and initiatives by CARICOM, and considering still prevailing differences in views among some Heads of Government, it may be unwise to assume that all barriers would be cleared for Haiti's occupation of its vacant seat in time for the forthcoming special Heads of Government Conference in November in Port-of-Spain
The CARICOM delegation to Haiti was led by Barbados's Dame Billie Miller, current chairperson of the Council for Foreign and Community Relations, and included the Foreign Ministers of Guyana (Rudy Insanally); Trinidad and Tobago (Knowlson Gift); The Bahamas (Fred Smith) and Antigua and Barbuda's Harold Lovell.
Exactly what the Foreign Ministers delegation achieved during the two-day visit is to be officially discussed at a meeting in St. Georges later this month of the CARICOM Bureau, the Community's management committee, which is to be hosted by current chairman, Prime Minister Keith Mitchell of Grenada.
The Bureau currently comprises the Prime Ministers of Grenada and Antigua and Barbuda (Baldwin Spencer) and the President of Suriname (Ronald Venetiaan).
The Bureau's recommendations in relation to the agreed terms for participation by the Latortue regime in the councils of CARICOM, are to be communicated to all Heads of Government for a decision in time for the forthcoming special summit in Port-of-Spain.
Central to unanimous approval by the Heads of Government, in accordance with the spirit of their decision at their retreat on the island of Calivigny in Grenada during their 25th Summit, would be the guarantees obtained from the interim Haitian regime on such issues as:
*Specific timetable for free and fair local, parliamentary and presidential elections in 2005, reflecting an inclusive electoral process that facilitates unhindered participation also by the 'Lavalas' party of the ousted President Aristide (although his own participation is neither requested nor expected);
*No persecution or arbitrary treatment of political opponents; and equal commitment of the Haitian authorities in the pursuit of all known criminals.
In the case of latter demand, it would be most interesting to learn of the nature of the assurance given by Latortue to the CARICOM Foreign Ministers, considering that while known armed rebels and criminals are allowed to be free, the former Prime Minister of the Aristide administration, Yvon Neptune, remains an outstanding detainee of the Haitian authorities.
At the core of the basis for CARICOM's collective "engagement" or so-called "recognition" of the interim Haitian regime, is its expressed opposition to the illegal interruption of constitutional governance, as happened on February 29 when President Aristide demit office amid an escalating armed rebellion against his Lavalas party-led administration.
Aid donors meeting
While CARICOM and the current regime in Port-of-Prince sort out the modalities of their relationship for cooperation, in the interest of the Haitian people, participants in a major aid donors conference for Haiti's social and economic development are beginning to assemble in Washington, starting tomorrow for an international aid donors conference.
By the time that conference, of which the Inter-American Development Bank (IADB) is the major coordinator, concludes on Tuesday, we should know how near, or far, is the commitment to achieving a proposed US$1 Billion package for the rebuilding of Haiti, a CARICOM member that bears the deep, ugly scars of years of political crises, corruption and repression and endemic poverty..
Major players for the aid donors event are expected to be the USA, European Union, World Bank, International Monetary Fund and the IADB.
Hardly in a position to contribute financial assistance for development, CARICOM, which is committed to providing technical and other practical forms of help to benefit the Haitian people, will be represented at the Washington meeting to voice its own support for economic aid.
Cuba, which has been maintaining some 600 doctors and nurses in Haiti during and after the downfall of the Aristide administration, will also be closely monitoring the results of the aid donors conference, knowing that the price tag for its own assistance in the health and education sectors has been comparatively significant within the Caribbean region.
The Caribbean public would be quite alive by now to the fact that achieving consensus on the conditionalities for participation in the business of the Community by the interim Haitian administration has proven a hard row to hoe as a consequence of the different attitudes and approaches reflected among some Heads of Government.
It should, however, be borne in mind that there has always been a distinction between the Community's call for restoration of constitutional governance and its steering away from any defence of Aristide's alleged crimes of corruption and politics of repression.
Political chicanery
Political chicanery, which has been a constant factor in Haiti's governance crisis, from Aristide to the present regime in Port-au-Prince, was embedded while the priest-turned politician was President.
This, however, should not be used to justify or be confused with any argument for external-driven aggression with its component of armed rebellion and criminal violence to topple a constitutional head of state.
The Latortue regime's spin doctors and those of its sponsors have been advancing various scenarios over the past four months to justify an end to the Aristide presidency.
At the same time, some decision-makers, not only of the American, French or Canadian governments, but also within CARICOM seem to have suffered collective amnesia in relation to who was officially requested, with the full blessing of the anti-Aristide forces, to temporarily assume the role of President with the claimed `resignation’ of Aristide.
It was the Chief Justice, Boniface Alexandre, who had next to him at his ceremonial installation, Yvon Neptune, the Prime Minister of the departed Aristide, currently in detention.
Whatever happened since then to Alexandre? Why did CARICOM ignore him in its efforts to engage the interim regime for a return to constitutional governance?
Not only has there been no mention of or dealing with President Alexandre by CARICOM. There has been a strange silence over the arrest and detention of ex-Prime Minister Neptune on allegations of murder, while known killers, convicted murderers and armed rebels continue to be free and threatening.
It is to be hoped that the CARICOM Foreign Ministers delegation found the time to express concern over the fate of Neptune in accordance with one of the five demands of the CARICOM leaders in Grenada that there should be no persecution or arbitrary arrest of political opponents, whatever their persuasion.
We should soon find out.